Quakers and Politics. Gary Nash. 1968

Nash contends that the lack of a structured society along with easy access to public office, the absence of persecution, and Quaker resistance to an established government promoted private discord and public chaos. Nash describes the Quakers as proud, militant, vain, eccentric, power hungry, vengeful, suspicious of outsiders, and disdainful of authority. Quaker elites would retain power as the result of struggles over land rights, political power, and economic issues.

American Slavery, American Freedom. Edmund Morgan. 1975.

One of the most important books on American colonial history and the origins of slavery in America, this book is a key to understanding both colonial Virginia and the American Revolution. Morgan's contention is that 'to a large degree it may be said that Americans bought their independence with slave labor.' What he means by this is that slavery and freedom became mutually reinforcing concepts. Southerners lived in a society where the fate of the enslaved was to be found around them every day. Slave owners were smart enough to recognize the need for white solidarity and thus convinced yeoman that Parliament could enslave them as well. This ideological agenda became the catalyst in bringing these two groups in Virginia society together and slavery only reinforced this ideological unity. Freedom was a concept that was transformed into freedom from English rule. Also, English society with its hierarchy served as a further basis for racist ideology. In Morgan's estimation, racism preceded slavery and developed primarily in the ongoing conflict with Indians. Africans became preferential for labor because of their resistance to disease, inability to runaway (as compared to Indians), and their inability to pass themselves off as a member of white society in the way that indentured servants could.

The New England Mind: From Colony to Province. Perry Miller. 1953.

The dominant author in any historiographical discussion of Puritan New England, Perry Miller perpetuates the idea that the English colonists living in North American became American because of their experience with the "wilderness." Smacking of Turnerian bias, Miller notes how the environment influenced American Puritanism and vice versa. He concludes that by the 1730s, the so-called "Errand" into this wilderness had failed. As the proponent of this "Declension" model, Miller argues that occasional sermons of Puritan ministers clearly indicates a fear that the population is losing sight of the religious founding of the colonial enterprise (Sound Familiar?). These sermons call the people to return to their piety of the past where their "City Upon a Hill" was still a conceivable notion to which the communities adhered. Apparently the wilderness experience made this errand impossible--it failed. The upshot was that Puritans were influential in carrying to the colonies their Puritan work ethic and Calvinistic drive towards prosperity.

A New England Town: The First One Hundred Years. Kenneth Lockridge. 1970

This important work is a community study of the town of Dedham, MA which Lockridge sees as a prototypical colonial New England town. By studying the town from its inception to the time of the revolution he hopes to uncover some general truths about the colonial era. One thing noted is that Dedham was in the 'mainstream of a wide and enduring New England tradition.' This tradition actually stretches back to Protestant Europe and affects the life of the community which was, in his estimation, a "Christian Utopian Closed Corporate Community." In other words, all of the villagers were initially Puritans and adhered to the Puritan vision of life in the New World. This society was gradually transformed and the Utopian dream of its founders gave way to a heterogeneous society based less on corporatism and more on individualism. American society as we tend to romanticize it during this era was only born after the American Revolution. The slow development of Dedham shows that change took place very slowly over a long span of time and that notions of radical Americanization do not hold.

Editorial Note

I find it humorous that most of the Google ads running on these pages tend to be for websites supporting the ultra-conservative position. I'm sure this is God's little joke on me. Hahaha very funny. Don't you have some horny little devil to be pranking instead?

The White Man's Burden. Winthrop Jordan. 1974.

In this book, Winthrop Jordan argues that slavery and racism were mutually reinforcing and that, as a result, they generated each other simultaneously. In other words, it is not possible to see slavery preceding racism or vice versa. Over the course of time, skin color played a factor as blackness became associated with dirt, filth, and, by extension, evil. Blackness was not, however, considered a prerequisite for slavery. It just so happens that West Africans became more susceptible to exploitation for various reasons other than race. Slavery was reinvigorated as a labor source with the cotton boom in the South. It was the profitability of cotton and other cash crops which helped to entrench slavery.

The Transformation of Virginia. Rhys Isaac. 1982

This important work highlights the role that religion played in changing the patterns of deference in colonial Virginia. The Baptist movement served as a counter-culture to the prevailing order dominated by the gentry. This hegemony waned as a result of the influence of the Baptists. This undermined the ideological hegemony of the elites as the Protestant movements began to spread throughout the colonies.

America at 1750: A Social Portrait. Richard Hofstadter. 1973

By 1750, the colonies were pluralistic and commercialized. These developments were shaped primarily by the middle class. The population of the nation was diverse and there was an influx of immigrants seeking land. It is the rise of the middle class that is most important in Hofstadter's work here. He notes how they managed to break the power of the old world of the church, royalty, nobility, and the universities. All of these were oppressive in nature. Hofstadter notes that the healthy middle class was an indication of a non-docile labor force like the one found in England. As to the Great Awakening, Hofstadter places little emphasis on this seminal event.

The Great Awakenings in New England. Edwin Gaustad. 1957

Gaustad notes that 1) The Great awakening was a widespread phenomenon that crossed socio-economic boundaries, colonial boundaries, and denominational boundaries. It was "Great" in the sense that it was general, but also 2) that it was a struggle between the Enlightenment rationalism of figures like Charles Chauncey and the pietism of Jonathan Edwards.
Gaustad actually offers little explanation by way of causation. He only seems to hint at the fact that a perceived decline in piety may have impacted the religious inclinations of the time. He also notes the important role of itinerant preachers in bringing about the revival itself.

Albion's Seed. David Hackett Fischer. 1989

This book explains the American colonial experience using the "germ theory" coupled with Turnerian frontier themes and migration models. Fischer concludes that four large waves of English immigrants settled in the colonies between 1629 and 1725 bringing with them their British folkways; this indicates their strong ties to England. These folkways included things such as manners, morals, mores, and habits, etc. Many of these folkways show up over and over again in a variety of written documents. Fischer notes that these English settlers initially settled in the Appalachian region and later took their cultural heritage with them as they moved throughout the Southwest and the West.

The Southern Colonies in the Seventeenth Century. Wesley F. Craven. 1949

This is a general work that highlights the similarities and differences of the southern colonies of the 17th century. Craven notes that the southern colonists were still Englishmen at the turn of the century despite their many differences. Distance was the only factor in which they differed from their fellow Englishmen. As a result, they were affected by political and social unrest in England.

Salem Possessed. Paul Boyer, and Stephen Nissenbaum. 1974

Boyer and Nissenbaum examine the Salem Witch Trials episode of the 1690s from the standpoint of social history. The authors recognize the fact that the town had been divided into two factions. The first represented the farming interests of Salem Village while the other was the growing commercial economy of Salem Town. Most of the accusers came from the agrarian Salem Village and the accused from Salem town. The tension between the factions stemmed initially from a disagreement over the appointment of the new minister, Samuel Parris. Those making the accusations were of the Pro-Parris faction while those who were skeptical of the trial's proceedings were primarily from the anti-Parris group in Salem Town. Socio0-economic considerations may have also contributed to this division as the accusers tended to be on the lower end of the socio-economic ladder and the accused the upper end. It seems as if some jealousy may have been a motive behind the accusations.

Patricia Bonomi. A Factious People. 1970

This book is a history of early New York from Leisler's Rebellion to the American Revolution. Bonomi examines the origins of political factionalism in New York and rejects the notion that class struggle was the root of the problem. Instead, she places primacy on politics motivated by ethnic differences, random growth in politics at the local level, an upstate-downstate split, and the divergent interests of merchants and laborers. The factious environment was created by these factors along with patterns of settlement along the Hudson River, waves of immigrants, and the lack of a colonial assembly. New York's political system was, by 1760, sophisticated but fractured.

Why Americans Hate Politics, by E. J. Dionne. 1991

Perhaps a book of enormous importance, especially during an election year, E.J. Dionne's work examines the rise and fall of Liberalism since the New Deal, the rise of the New Left, and the rise of the New Right. Just like today, Dionne notes how serious dialog has been prevented on most major issues by both conservatives and liberals alike who provide the public with false symbols and choices. What we have instead, is false politics, "polarized" by highlighting these symbolic issues. The end result is a lack of real discursive political debate. This provides little outlet for the discontents in American society and places money in the center of the electoral process. This leaves the country alarmed over whether or not it can maintain its standard of living (it's the economy stupid!). This is why Americans hate politics.

Francis Bremer

Bremer, Francis. The Puritan Experiment. 1976

This work is primarily a summary of American Puritanism. It places Puritanism within New England within the context of its development in Old England looking primarily at Connecticut, Rhode Island, and Massachusetts. Bremer's work begins with several chapters on the development of Puritanism in England describing the evolution of religion, society, and government in the New World within that context. He concludes with a section on the Enlightenment and Great Awakening. Bremer's work is also one that covers various aspects of social history: towns, families, education, the arts, and race relations. One of the primary downfalls of this book is the author's failure to address the socio-economic concerns that factored into the rise of Puritanism in England. Nor does he deal adequately with Darrett Rutman's assertion that Puritanism had little effect on the day to day affairs of New Englanders. This book is a sound overview but inadequate as a synthesis.

Follow up to my "correct views on everything"

Unfortunately, the response that I received and replied to on myspace.com has expired and I am no longer able to retrieve that bulletin post. In the future, I may be posting more material with regard to the upcoming election, but for now I will be focusing primarily on posting history content.

My Correct Views on Everything

Here's something to consider in the upcoming election year as you make your way to the polls to vote. Many people choose their political candidate based on religious or moral considerations. For example, many right-wing voters will eagerly make their way to the voting booth if Mike Huckabee wins the Republican nomination. The rationale? Most assuredly it will have to do with Huckabee's religious background and stance on moral issues like abortion. Here is Huckabee's position:

"I support and have always supported passage of a constitutional amendment to protect the right to life. My convictions regarding the sanctity of life have always been
clear and consistent, without equivocation or wavering. I believe that Roe v. Wade should be over-turned." www.mikehuckabee.com

I'm not arguing the validity of pro-life v. pro-choice positions (although some of you will inevitably misconstrue my words as such and fire your invective comments my way). Personally, I think abortion is wrong 90-95% of the time. I would make exceptions for various reasons (now you know where I stand). And personally, I have nothing against Huckabee or any other candidate who is open and honest about their religious convictions. My beef is with those who vote solely on those convictions. It is inconsistent to do so and here why:

Evangelical Christianity is a religion that presupposes that the person must make a personal decision to "follow Christ" or be "born again." Without making said decision, the person is doomed to an eternity in hell. So much emphasis is placed on this decision that it forms the crux of many Sunday Sermons. The altar call has become a mainstay of American religion since the 19th century. (Yes, it was largely absent from Christianity for nearly 2000 years, but that is another topic altogether). Yet, these same people are the ones who consistently vote for political candidates who they feel will push for legal and constitutional provisions in which the government will regulate moral issues such as abortion. Thus we would have a situation in which the choice of making a moral decision has been removed from our hands. Is it the job of the government to do this? If so, why are these same people not pushing for constitutional amendments and laws that require each American citizen to make a personal decision to be born again?

OOOOOH! That would be logically consistent and make too much sense and that is my primary criticism of the right. If the government is supposed to regulate moral issues, it may as well regulate the most important moral issue of all--one's relationship to his or her creator, god, higher power, yada yada yada. But do we see this being pushed for by the right? No! Why not? Because it is actually a violation of the principle of the separation of church and state. Originally this concept was meant to keep the government from imposing any brand of state religion upon the people. Freedom of worship was a given. Because abortion and other similar issues are moral issues, they too have religious connotations and must be left outside of the political realm, and yet people are still voting for their candidate of choice based on these considerations. So, if your vote is based on moral convictions, you had damn well better be pushing for a repeal of the first amendment (which you are not). So, if you really think about it, a vote for the right is a vote against the constitution and America. So for those that think that Obama is un-American (which he is not) or that Clinton is too liberal or that the only way one can vote is republican (due to moral issues), please stop being un-American!

American Social History

This blog is devoted to students of history wanting to more about American Social and Intellectual History. I am currently working on my Ph.D. in this field and am using this blog as a way to prepare and study for my comprehensive examinations. The material included here will include the following:

1. Basic U.S. History
2. U.S. Social and Intellectual History
3. Reviews and Summaries of Major Works in these fields.
4. Editorial Comments that I may be using for the purpose of personalizing my blogs. I believe that studies of human memory show that the more you personalize material you are learning, the better it is constructed in your long-term memory and thus is far more accessible for future usage. I will indicate when my comments are editorial in nature so that readers can either agree or disagree or disregard altogether as they see fit.